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Public Private Dichotomy Pdf !EXCLUSIVE!

The concept of public and private portrays social relations as comprised of two largely separate realms. The public realm is characterized by activities individuals undertake in wider society and in common with others. On the other hand, the private realm is characterized by activities undertaken with others, relatively free from the jurisdiction of the state. This paper aims to discuss the concept of public-private dichotomy as it relates to gender.

Public Private Dichotomy Pdf

In this context, on Tuesday 7th December will be launched the Country Connector on the Private Sector in Health (CCPSH), an initiative led by WHO to provide a platform to support countries to engage with the private sector toward achieving public health goals including universal health coverage, health security and health systems resilience. The Country Connector purpose is to share experiences across countries, connect countries to the resources, tools and guidance needed for stronger health system governance and better public policy toward the private sector in health, coordinate the efforts of multiple actors in delivering COVID-19 vaccines, therapeutics and diagnostics and help with efforts to rebuild more resilient and better prepared health systems.

During the launch, after a short introduction to the Country Connector and its activities, policy makers, private sector representatives and leaders will share their thoughts and experiences on engaging the private sector in health. Participants will have an opportunity to ask their questions about the Country Connector during the second part of the event.

Abstract: Human geographers gain insights into social phenomena through home. Domestic violence has become a research object along with the cultural turn in Western human geography and the rise of feminist studies. Under the dual influence of feminist social criticism and the spatial perspective of geography, feminist geographers focus on women's spatial and emotional experiences, unfolding the violence against women in the home. Starting with the introduction of the concept of "domestic violence" and the public/private dichotomy, this article points out the spatial concealment of domestic violence and introduces the research path of domestic violence issue in feminist geography, that is, to discuss domestic violence beyond the public/private dichotomy of space by examining the meaning construction of home as private space and the broader geographical environment for tolerating the existence of domestic violence. Based on the review of related international research, this article summarizes feminist geographic research of domestic violence on three scales: home, community/neighborhood, and global and national. Following the scale logic, this article concludes the findings of academic significance and provides insights on the trend of future geographic research of domestic violence issue. The implicit assumptions of home within analyses of domestic violence require further examination. The analysis of home in material, functional, and symbolic dimensions reveals the spatial control and oppression on women. The two perspectives of material determinism logic and sociocultural logic provide insights into the characteristics of community environment in which domestic violence persists and their inherent policy and institutional exclusion to women. The research on the connections between domestic violence and terrorism and warfare reflects that violence on the micro scale intertwined with larger (geopolitical) processes, which can remap the debate about safety in political geography.

For example, marital rape has historically often not been considered a criminal act by the state, and this idea is still prevalent in many countries, such as the Bahamas and Zambia, where marital rape has yet to be criminalized. Although the International Bill of Rights guarantees the right of everyone to be free from torture and enslavement by the state, and explicitly prohibits rape of and assault against women in times of conflict, it does not guarantee women freedom from domestic abuse, which for many women is a form of torture and/or enslavement (Copelon 1994). The subordination of women in the private sphere is justified and naturalized as the patriarchal state, in accordance with the liberal maxim of individual freedom and the protection of private property, protects the private, individual interests of men. Under international human rights laws, states have often not been held accountable for their inaction (or inadequate action) that has enabled gender-based violence in the private sphere.

UN GenderInfo Database. At, accessed May 11, 2009. Searchable database of sex disaggregated statistics related to the following sectors: education, families, health and nutrition, population, public life, and work.

The politics-administration dichotomy is a theory that constructs the boundaries of public administration and asserts the normative relationship between elected officials and administrators in a democratic society.[1] The phrase politics-administration dichotomy itself does not appear to have a known inventor, even after exhaustive research, the combination of words that make up the phrase was first found in public administration literature from the 1940s with no clear originator.[2]

Standard definition is too narrow . If politics includes all of what we know as policy making, then the dichotomy would bar administrators, presumably including city managers, from participation. The dichotomy of policy and administration was a conceptual distinction underlying a theory of democratic accountability. It was not intended to guide behavior, it was intended as a behavioral prescription directed against contemporary practices of machine politics.[11]The strict definition is the model. It is not conceptually possible to have a one way dichotomy that keeps elected official out of administration but allows administrators to be active in policy. The dichotomy model standing alone is an aberration.[1]

Therefore, this research describes and analyzes the complementarity of Private Health before the Brazilian Unified Health System, highlighting its main characteristics, scenarios, and trends in the face of the health system and the Brazilian market. This descriptive and exploratory research uses secondary data from various sources, submitted to quantitative data analysis methods. The object of the research is the history of private health in Brazil and its main actors.

It is possible to perceive an intense trend of concentration of Brazilian private health in large institutions that have capitalized and have a great appetite for growth through mergers and acquisitions, whether from smaller operators or health institutions that integrate their health networks, following complementary health models already consolidated in countries such as China, and the United States of America, among others. This concentration projects a market with fewer options and competitiveness, reduction in transaction costs and increase the operational effectiveness of health care.

Since the 1990s, many efforts have been devoted to health care in Brazil by public or private means. Although the efforts are commendable, the country presents many challenges around health [3] owing to the intense socioeconomic inequality present in the country [3,4,5]. This can be verified by the degree of income concentration, also known as a measure of inequality, the Gini index of 50.9 [1, 4], a value measurement of countries such as Zambia (57.1) [6] and Zimbabwe (50.3) [6].

With the public and private actors, the Brazilian health system is divided into two sectors: public and private. The public sector comprises state funding; the private sector is financed by public and private resources, mostly for profit, and comprises different modalities of insurance and private health plans [12]. Table 1 describes the main characteristics of each of the members of the health sector in Brazil.

Historically, private health systems have been stimulated by a series of government policies, either through the accreditation of services, and the remuneration and creation of hospital units among others [13].

The health sector in Brazil represents approximately 9% of the GDP [4, 14], of which 56% has a private and 44% has a public origin [4, 15]. The health sector employs 4,418,871 [14] people and comprises a structure with 711 private health institutions [16], 256 dental plan operators [16] and 6642 hospital units [17] among others.

The other 24.5% of the population have access to health through private health [16], which is strongly linked to the care of people through individual or family contracts (19%), business (68%) and collective (13%) [16].

Private performance in Brazilian health has intensified since 1964, after the military coup, when a series of reforms drove the expansion of the private health system. Since then, a series of historical events have fostered private performance in the health sector, leading to a significant expansion of the provision of health services through private health [12], as described in Table 2 below:

Currently, private health is regulated and supervised by several government and organized civil society institutions and forums such as the Supplementary Health Council [26], National Supplementary Health Agency [16] and Supplementary Health Chamber [27]. Its operation takes place through private health institutions, which are assigned to manage, market, and provide health plans, with the purpose of medical, hospital and dental care to their beneficiaries [26].

As of December 2020, there were 47,631,224 private health users [16], assisted by 711 hospital medical operators [16], with revenues of 30.4 billion (US$). Table 3, some of the main data of the sector and its respective representation in the Brazilian context.

The main objective of this study is to understand the general and specific context of Brazilian private health, its scenarios, and trends, with emphasis on the analysis of market concentration and recent processes of mergers and acquisitions.

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